Nation building required a willingness to subordinate ethnic interests to a broader set of mutually agreed principles and values. By the mid 1970s the countries of north-western Europe had become home to approximately 10 million migrants from Eastern Europe, North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa, South and East Asia. A number of universities were established during the same period, although wealthy Saudi males were often sent to better-known European and us institutions for specialized training in management, engineering and medicine. Despite harsh crackdowns, these protest organizations continued, with Muslims often working in unison with other, non-Muslim, social justice organizations. Political instability and civil conflict wracked the country after independence in 1819 and what immigration did take place was centred on the regional movement of agricultural labourers from neighbouring states, in particular Ecuador and Venezuela.
If anything, state support for the building of roads, canals and rail systems facilitated both internal and cross-border movement. By the early 1960s, 33 per cent of the labour force in the capital city of Caracas was foreign-born. Half of the immigrants came from Eastern European countries, so-called Ashkenazi Jews, many of whom were survivors of the Nazi Holocaust. But as couples elected to have fewer offspring, politicians and policy planners began to worry about the potential economic impact of demographic free fall. It was in this climate that additional illegal emigration to the us occurred during the 1990s. Rural to Urban Whatever the reason for human relocation in Africa after 1945, urban centres served as destination points for ever-larger numbers of migrants.
When that 3rd generation young Turks born in Sweden came to Turkey, they generally do not feel like in their homeland, but in a foreign country or a country they visit as guests, and this also related to this kind of change. The goal was to create vibrant communities in proximity to city centres at reasonable cost. In general, these unelected leaders sought to jump-start industrialization in an effort to free their countries from reliance upon developed states. Announcing in April 1980 that all who wished to leave the country were free to do so through an embarkation point at the port of Mariel, hundreds of small craft from the us sailed across the Florida straits to collect relatives and loved ones. In more recent decades, so-called identity politics, centred on ethnicity, language or religion, posed a challenge to states that seek to homogenize their populations around a set of unifying symbols. The desire to enjoy more of the material goods available in the expanding capitalist economies of the West prompted many young couples to engage in family planning.
Responses to this influx have varied widely. During the early 1900s, periodic popular protests against harsh working conditions and low wages were most often met by repression under authoritarian governments put in power by landed elites. In the meantime labour-surplus countries like Mexico and Brazil continued their roles as sending zones, irrespective of the heightened fears of security-conscious destination states. There were approximately 58 million Egyptians in 1994, with 15 per cent of these under the age of four. This compared unfavourably with the United States during the same period, where fewer than 10 per cent of migrants gained entry under the refugee heading. The government responded by imprisoning thousands, outlawing the African National Congress and the PanAfricanist Congress, and setting the groundwork for more than three decades of clandestine resistance to the regime.
Optimists in the neo-liberal tradition believe that the solution to current global economic disparities and increasing levels of international migration rests with the extension of market forces to regions of the world long harried by burdensome, highly regulatory governments and command-style economies. Political upheaval and war in the Islamic world also created huge refugee crises. And the failed military effort by neighbouring Arab states to destroy Israel at the moment of its birth in 1948 created a massive Palestinian refugee problem that would defy solution throughout the second half of the twentieth century and into our own day. The most interesting triggers stimulated recall of forgotten, pleasing craft experiences. In Germany, for example, there were 200,000 claims in 1991 alone.
Immigrants — especially Muslim immigrants — stood as a daily reminder of French colonialism, and of the rejection of French authority by colonial elites during the 1960s. In the aftermath of the brutal killing, anti-Muslim violence affected schools, shops and mosques across the Netherlands. Once settled and employed, a pattern of chain migration developed, with workers sending remittances back to their country of origin in order to pay for the transportation costs of family and friends. The continent was dotted with thousands of political structures that ranged from expansive territorial kingdoms like those erected in Ghana, Mali and Songhai, to loose aggregations of warriors who claimed authority within constantly shifting frontiers. American efforts to tighten border security had the undesired effect of creating a stronger rationale for permanent as opposed to seasonal migration, and strengthened the position of criminal organizations that transported undocumented workers across the border.
In 1977, however, the government stepped up the process of deporting undocumented residents, and a plan was introduced to pay foreigners 10,000 francs to leave the country voluntarily. By 1965 the entire continent had achieved independence with the exception of Portuguese-controlled areas and the Spanish Sahara. Radical opposition to a regime that owned virtually the entire economy was highlighted as early as 1979 when the Great Mosque of Mecca was seized temporarily by rebels. For centuries Muslim merchants and conquerors had spread the faith through migration and settlement, but after 1800 a resurgent West began a fateful encounter with the Islamic world that would have important consequences for the movement of peoples across international borders. Increased popular support for stridently anti-immigrant parties led the government to institute a crackdown on illegal immigration in 1993. Even after the Bay of Pigs disaster of April 1961, they were convinced that the us government would restore democracy and a free market economy to their homeland.
Post-war migration out of Latin America and between states in the region had the unhappy result of perpetuating an image of the people of the resource-rich continent as feckless and incapable of effective self-government. Published by Reaktion Books Ltd 33 Great Sutton Street London ec1v 0dx www. The military again assumed power, and in 1986 accepted a Structural Adjustment Program that called for reduced spending on key public services such as health, education and housing in return for international aid. Mindful of the horrible persecution carried out under the Nazi regime, German policy allowed anyone claiming asylum as a political refugee the right of entry while the case was examined — a process that could take years. . It seemed unlikely that this rich and distinct culture would be easily assimilated or absorbed but, in light of earlier encounters, the question of integration and the limits of multiculturalism were really matters for the majority culture to address. Originating in nine countries, the 2 million resident migrants represented less than 5.
Overall per capita income in Latin America declined by 6 per cent between 1980 and 1987 and, with falling incomes in most households, the possibility of a major social upheaval across the continent seemed imminent. Popular protests against the pass laws in 1960 led to violence in the township of Sharpeville, near Johannesburg, where 69 Africans were killed by the security forces. In 1850 there were approximately 20 million Britons; one century later the number approached 50 million, and this did not take into account the 11 million who had emigrated to North America and Oceania. In theory, at least, the transformation should have been painless. Normally concentrated in the poorer neighbourhoods of major cities, migrant communities were often stigmatized as havens for criminals, welfare cheats and dangerous subversives who refused to embrace the dominant culture. Most crossed the borders into Ecuador and Venezuela, but at the start of the new century the us Department of Homeland Security indicated that Colombia had become the fourth leading source of illegal immigration to the us. This was acceptable to the newcomers, most of whom were young, single, poorly educated males motivated solely by a desire to save enough money to purchase land and livestock back in their home countries.
Most found themselves employed in the low-skill service sector, or the changing face of europe 33 in the mining, metal processing and construction-related trades. By the 1990s the Saudi state had created a vast security apparatus to identify, expel or jail internal opponents of the regime. Details: Master and use copy. Although the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries was founded in 1960, major producing countries did not take steps to gain greater control over the industry until the early 1970s. Indeed there were more than 50 million Indian Muslims after independence, and their numbers had increased to 120 million by the end of the twentieth century.